Tag Archives: Carl Freedman

Companies Love to Hate the PUC

BY DENNIS HOLLIER

The mood was tense in the packed Senate hearing room in December, as angry Neighbor Island businessmen, farmers and representatives from community organizations testified before the Committee on Commerce and Consumer Protection against the Public Utilities Commission. The immediate cause for the rancor was an interim decision by the PUC in September that allowed Pasha Hawaii Transport Lines to begin limited interisland cargo shipping between Honolulu and Kahului and Hilo.

Before this ruling, interisland cargo service was provided exclusively by Young Brothers – a monopoly contingent on the barge company serving not only the state’s large, profitable ports, but also the smaller, unprofitable ones, such as those on Lanai and Molokai. But the interim order imposed no such obligations on Pasha.

That’s what caused the stir. In the wake of all the discontent, Sen. Rosalyn Baker, chair of the committee, spoke testily of the need to reform the PUC, a process that this blowup may have both hastened and complicated.

     Outgoing Chair Carlito Caliboso Photo: Rae Huo

The intent of the Pasha decision, according to the previous commission chair Carlito Caliboso, was simply to find out if more competition among water carriers would help improve service and lower costs for consumers. Young Brothers, and many of its Neighbor Island customers, had a different take. They viewed the PUC’s ruling as fundamentally unfair to the highly regulated interisland barge company, and potentially lethal to the businesses that depend on its service, particularly those on Molokai and Lanai.

Even worse, they viewed the process the PUC used to reach its decision as opaque and capricious. As Baker points out, the commission held no public hearings, let alone Neighbor Island public hearings, before making its ruling. Then, one day before the Senate hearing, the commission denied a Young Brothers’ request to reconsider its decision. “I thought the commission behaved most arrogantly to the folks that came in from the Neighbor Islands to be heard,” Baker said later.

But assigning blame for the commission’s failings is more complicated than it seems.

Quasi-Judicial Agency

The PUC is a small state agency with astonishingly broad regulatory powers. According to its 2010 annual report, it is responsible for regulating electric utilities, telecommunication companies, water and sewer companies, and bus and trucking companies. In other words, a huge part of the state economy falls under its jurisdiction; yet, early last year, the agency had a staff of fewer than 40 people. For most purposes, the three PUC commissioners operate like a quasi-judicial body, with the chair presiding over lawyers, engineers, analysts and accountants who conduct research and provide technical assistance. This small cadre of professionals has to provide the expertise to regulate the diverse industries under their jurisdiction.

The Division of Consumer Advocacy is in even worse straits. In 2010, this agency, which is supposed to represent the public’s interest before the PUC (and is funded out of the PUC’s special fund), had only 11 staff positions filled. Yet, the division is responsible for much the same analytical and policy footwork as the PUC. In fact, PUC actions often can’t proceed because of delays caused by the division’s understaffing. For a while, the division simply stopped processing certification applications from telecommunications providers, according to a legislative report. Consumer Advocacy officials didn’t respond to repeated requests to comment for this story.

     Sen. Rosalyn Baker, head of the Senate’s Commerce Committee, 
     has had some run-ins with the PUC.  
     Photo: Courtesy of Senator Roselyn Baker

It’s not surprising that the most common complaint about the PUC is that it’s slow and inefficient. However, that fact has to be viewed in the context of how the agency works. Regulated companies typically bring cases, called dockets, before the commission for consideration. Dockets range from something as simple as an application to operate a motor carrier, to a petition for rate relief from a water carrier, to something as complicated as decoupling, a new policy that fundamentally changes the business model for the electric company. A docket isn’t that different than a court proceeding: There are motions, opportunities for interveners to join the docket, and periods for discovery and rebuttal. All of which take time.

And there are a lot of dockets. In 2010, 330 new dockets were filed before the PUC. In addition, there were still 271 dockets pending from 2009. Altogether, the commission completed 448 dockets over the course of the fiscal year, and left 153 pending. All those figures are improvements.

Diverse Complaints

Even though few individuals are willing to go on the record – their companies are still regulated by the commission, after all – criticism of the PUC is widespread and diverse. For example, among motor carriers, by far the largest group of companies regulated by the PUC, the standard complaint is that there isn’t enough regulation: It’s too easy to get a certificate, and there isn’t enough rate enforcement.

Young Brothers, as we’ve seen, complains that it’s held to a different standard than its competitor – much the same complaint Hawaiian Telcom representatives make privately about its competitors.

It’s within the electric sector that we see the most complaints: that the PUC is too cautious, that the consumer advocate is too closely aligned with the utility, and that the PUC chair should be more of a vanguard. Almost all this criticism, though, comes back to those two words: slow and inefficient. Most of the complaints are justified, but that’s not the whole story.

For example, not everyone is convinced that the commission is responsible for many of these problems. Carl Freedman, an electric utility regulatory expert and frequent intervener before the commission, notes that, under the Caliboso administration, the PUC undertook an enormous number of major policy dockets. In fact, it’s largely trying to deal with those energy-policy initiatives that accounts for much of the commission’s slowness. “I think it’s a fair criticism of the PUC to say it’s not fast enough,” Freeman says. “But I don’t think that equates to criticism of (Caliboso), or even the staff. That’s a criticism of the whole state.”

Similarly, Freedman isn’t sure that slow and cautious are necessarily bad things, at least when it comes to these major policy decisions. “Some people want to see the commission be more of a vanguard. But I think cautious is certainly also one of the things we want the PUC to be.”

Caliboso also isn’t convinced that the charges of slowness and excessive caution are merited. Some of the slowness, he points out, is built into a fair and deliberative process. “You can’t really say this docket took a year, so it’s slow, for example. You really have to look at each one to see when the parties were really done with it, when was it submitted for a decision. A lot of times, it’s the parties involved in the case that slow things down, because they want time for things like review and discovery before they submit their positions and make their arguments. And all that takes time.”

Caliboso also points out that sometimes the PUC’s new responsibilities conflict with its traditional regulatory role, particularly in the complicated field of energy policy. “If you’re assuming the complaints are that we’re not moving fast enough or far enough in a particular policy direction, then you really have to look at what is the policy direction being given to the PUC from the Legislature, because we’re a creature of statute. The law says we’re supposed to be a traditional regulator. Those duties deal with trying to make sure the rates that customers pay are reasonable – so, keeping costs down. And then, we’re responsible for making sure the utilities provide reliable service and earn a reasonable rate of return. It’s all connected.

“At the same time, you’re telling the commission to try to implement these new energy policies, which should help get us off of fossil fuels, improve our energy security, reduce greenhouse emissions, improve our environment and make things more sustainable. That’s fine. I understand that task, and we’re driven to implement these policies. But those traditional regulatory responsibilities have not gone away. So, when somebody says we’re not going fast enough, maybe it’s because we still have those traditional objectives to look out for.”

Buying a Plan

The real issue is money. The PUC is mostly funded by fees collected from the utilities it regulates. This special fund should be more than adequate for the commission’s regulatory duties, but it doesn’t actually get all the money.

“In 2009, we collected $17.6 million in revenues, most of which are from the public utilities,” Caliboso says. “At the same time, our expenditures were only about $8.2 million, $2.9 million of which went to the consumer advocate. That means about $9.4 million went back to the general fund. So, the money is there. The problem, as far as money goes, is that a lot of it is being used for something other than regulatory purposes.”

Money also plays a role in another challenge facing the commission: attracting quality staff. PUC positions go unfilled for so long partly because the pay isn’t competitive with private industry. As one industry insider put it, it’s not uncommon for commission attorneys to be sitting across the table from utility attorneys making four or five times more money. This is a national problem, but, even so, according to Sen. Baker, the disparity in Hawaii is larger.

“We did a study where we looked around the country,” she says, “and other state salaries, almost without exception, are higher than ours.” Similarly, other states pillage utility commission revenues, just not so wantonly.

Utility professionals routinely complain about the underfunding of the commission. In her 2004 report on the PUC, the state auditor recommended the commission undertake serious strategic planning, pointing specifically at the agency’s deficiencies in personnel management. In 2006, the Legislature passed Act 143, which required the PUC and the consumer advocate to prepare a reorganization plan specifying their budget, resource and manpower needs. The following year, Acts 177 and 183 approved and funded most of the commission’s requests. The PUC’s reorganization plan included:

• Increasing the staff level to 62 for the PUC and 15 for the Division for Consumer Advocacy;
• Redescribing several positions to better reflect new responsibilities;
• Restructuring the agencies’ hierarchy to improve organizational effectiveness, especially by creating an Office of Policy and Research to better address highly technical policy issues; and 
• Relocating the PUC offices to accommodate the larger staff and new organization.

Nothing happened as planned. In 2008, the Legislature reduced the commission’s budget again, removing nine existing positions, and not funding two new positions or the agency’s relocation. The following year, the consumer advocate lost eight positions and other new positions went unfunded. Yet, even with funding and legislative approval, the commission still can’t reorganize on its own. It needs approval from the Department of Budget and Finance to release the funds, and the Department of Human Resources and Development has to rewrite job descriptions. Both departments presented roadblocks to the PUC’s reorganization.

Finally, in the 2010 session, the Legislature relented, passing Act 130, which acknowledged that the PUC’s reorganization was essential, especially to “successfully implement meaningful energy policy reform.” Act 130 puts numbers to that, noting that the commission regulates “electric and telecommunications services worth between $3 billion and $4 billion annually.” The legislation also notes that the potential savings from appropriate regulation may save the state more than the cost of fully funding the reorganization. Put another way, a well-run PUC is good business.

Caliboso highlights the value of effective regulation differently. “Another way to think about it is to look at how much is being invested in energy,” he says. “The cost rate base for the utility – or the money they’ve invested in energy infrastructure – is almost $2 billion.” Viewed in the context of protecting that investment, the PUC budget starts to look trifling.

Similarly, Caliboso says, you can look at the state’s regulatory costs in comparison with the aims of the state’s Clean Energy Initiative. “When you think of how much we should be investing to achieve our policy goals of getting us off oil and achieving energy security, which could help both in addressing price volatility and in securing our supply of energy, the cost of (better regulation), that’s not that much more to invest.”

More of the Same?

The remarkable thing about this ebb and flow of funding is that the PUC’s reorganization isn’t controversial. “Everyone knows it should happen,” Freeman says. “Everyone agrees. Everyone is supportive.” But he acknowledges that might not be enough. After all, he points out, funding for the reorganization has been given and taken away several times. “The question is: Is the Legislature just going to wipe it out again?”

     Last month, Gov Neil Abercrombie nominated Rep. Hermina 
     Morita, as the new PUC chair.
     Photo: Courtesy of Representative Hermina Morita

Gov. Neil Abercrombie seemed to address some of these questions in February by appointing the former chair of the House Committee on Energy and Environmental Protection, Rep. Hermina Morita, to the commission, filling the seat vacated by Leslie Kondo, and replacing Caliboso as chair.

Morita had long been the most knowledgeable supporter of renewable energy in the House and a vocal advocate for increased PUC funding. Even so, it’s not clear the PUC’s reorganization will survive the legislative session. “I would like to say, ‘Yes,’ ” Morita confided, shortly before her appointment, “but I’m only confident if the other legislators fully understand that this is a critical part of our economic recovery and our economic development.” 
In fact, Morita’s appointment may add to the uncertainty surrounding the reorganization. Although she’s widely admired among PUC observers, particularly those in the energy sector, her departure from the House will deprive the commission of a powerful legislative advocate at a critical moment. She may also stir things up within the commission itself, where, as chair, Morita will have an opportunity to reshuffle PUC staff.

Some legislators simply aren’t convinced that the commission is properly structured in the first place. “I just don’t think we have the appropriate expertise on the PUC,” said Baker, shortly before Kondo’s departure. “We have two government attorneys and one private-sector attorney. We don’t have anybody with any kind of engineering expertise, accounting expertise, or financial or business expertise. We don’t even have anybody with any energy background. They don’t have to have worked for a utility, but just to understand some of the technical dynamics.”

Baker is also concerned about the PUC’s demographics. “I don’t want to impugn the background or integrity of anybody, but the commission just is not diverse. For example, there are no members from the Neighbor Islands.” She acknowledges that the addition of Morita, who is from Kauai, will alleviate some concerns, but she believes the PUC needs structural changes.

Which brings us back to the PUC’s Pasha decision. In the wake of the flack following that ruling, Baker has proposed legislation that will further complicate the PUC reorganization. “I have a bill that tries to professionalize the staff and adds two more commissioners, so there would be a total of five,” she says. This would simplify adding a requirement that the commission include Neighbor Island representation. And, according to Baker, it would also allow PUC staff to specialize. “The bill also creates two panels,” she says. “One to deal with energy and private water systems – because that’s a big piece of what the commission does – and the other would deal with water carriers, motor carriers and warehousing. That way, you’ve got some specialization, so both the commissioners and the staff can zero in.”

It seems like a good plan. But you have to wonder if the added uncertainty introduced by the bill will kill the PUC’s reorganization in the Legislature again. That’s a fate Caliboso knows is all too possible.

“Is it a done deal, pau, don’t worry about it?” he asks. “No, they could always take it away again.”

 

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Roadblocks on the Road to Hawaii’s Smart Grid

BY DENNIS HOLLIER

The Kaheawa wind farm is not being fully used because of 
limitations imposed by an aging power grid on Maui.
Photo: David Croxford

High on a ridge overlooking Maalaea Bay, a small group of students from the Horizons Academy scramble out of vans into the vast open space at the top of the Kaheawa wind farm. They gape for a moment in the brilliant morning light. It’s an impressive sight: the giant white turbines of Kaheawa – 20 in all – standing majestically along the ridge that slopes to the sea, as astonishing as the heads of Easter Island.

“Cool,” says one of the young students.

Noe Kalipi, a spokeswoman for First Wind, the company that built the wind farm, tells the students that each turbine is 168 feet tall. Taken together, the 20 turbines have a capacity of 30 megawatts, or more than 10 percent of Maui’s peak load. That combination of majesty and power capacity makes the Kaheawa wind farm a symbol of the state’s rush to meet the goals of the Hawaii Clean Energy Initiative: 70 percent clean energy and 40 percent renewables by 2030.

Cool, indeed.

But Kaheawa poses as many questions as it answers. How do you integrate variable electricity generation from wind farms and photovoltaic systems into the electrical grid without compromising reliability? How do we pay the enormous cost of modernizing the grid to accommodate these renewables? And how do we monitor and regulate these changes to make sure the grid is ready for the 21st century? Most experts believe that the answer to these questions lies in a collection of new technologies and practices known collectively as the “smart grid.” In fact, Maui Electric Co. (a division of Hawaiian Electric Industries) has joined the Hawaii Renewable Energy Institute, the U.S. Department of Energy, General Electric and a few other partners in a smart grid pilot project in Wailea. But it’s not clear that MECO (or the rest of the state) is fully ready for the smart grid.

How “Smart” Works

There are many definitions of a smart grid. “No two people can agree on what that means,” says Robbie Alm, senior vice president of HECO. But for the purposes of MECO and what they want out of the Wailea pilot project, the smart grid is all about communication. In some cases, that communication empowers consumers with smart meters and advanced metering infrastructure, which let utility customers monitor their energy use in real time. In combination with time-of-use rates, smart meters may reduce peak load on the grid by encouraging consumers to move some of their consumption to off-peak times, when rates are cheaper.

Probably more important is to have more data about the grid itself. “For example,” says Chris Reynolds, MECO’s superintendent of operations, “if we could see that power was being injected into the system from a PV (photovoltaic) system, then we’d know what was going on. Then we could find ways to mitigate that if it should drop off all of the sudden.”

Speaking to Power

It sounds easy enough. The problem is that even the traditional grid – a model that’s nearly 100 years old – is surprisingly complicated. Sure, its basic elements are familiar: a power plant that generates electricity, high-voltage transmission lines that carry the power long distances, substations and transformers that step the voltage down to useful levels, and a network of distribution lines to deliver electricity to the end user. This generic view of the electrical grid makes it seem almost mechanical: add fuel – oil, coal, bagasse – to the hoppers at one end, and 120-volt electricity comes out the wall sockets on the other. In its particulars, though, the grid is complex; more like an organism than a machine, it’s full of fidgets and sensitivity. The utility is constantly monitoring its vital signs, especially frequency and voltage.

Reynolds points out that the pulse of the modern grid throbs at the remarkably consistent frequency of 60 hertz. Maintaining this frequency depends upon a fairly steady balance of power generation and load. If MECO loses a generator, or the wind dies suddenly at Kaheawa, the frequency falters.

Most utilities handle these problems with what’s called “spinning reserve,” having extra generators up and running and ready to come online. “In place of spinning reserve, MECO uses load-shedding,” Reynolds says, basically cutting power to prearranged customers. “At 59.3 hertz, there are some pump leads at HC&S that will come off-line. Below 58.7 hertz, then we’ll start opening up distribution points on our customers.” In other words, a 2 percent drop in frequency can mean localized blackouts. It can also fry customers’ electronics.

The traditional grid has evolved tools to deal with normal fluctuations in load. MECO’s power plant at Maalaea, for example, isn’t just one generator; it’s 21 generators of various sizes and types. They range from small, “fast-start” generators to deal with sudden outages, to enormous combustion turbines that are much more efficient, but take longer to start. An automatic system controls the generators’ output based on variations in load.

These controls work fine for a grid dominated by consistent power, like diesel generators or hydroelectric, but they’re not responsive enough to handle Maui’s increasing suite of wind and PV power. Instead, MECO has to limit renewables.

For example, through a process known as curtailment, the utility routinely dials back power generation at Kaheawa. Sometimes curtailment at the wind farm is partial; sometimes it is 100 percent. Similarly, MECO restricts the installation of PV systems to less than 3 percent of the system’s peak load, or less than 10 percent of the load on any one circuit. Although these strategies run counter to the utility’s own preferences, probably nothing short of a smart grid will ease the restrictions.

Technical Problems

One of the challenges facing MECO’s smart-grid aspirations is an aging infrastructure. Over the past several years, the utility has modernized its systems, particularly by improving its SCADA, the supervisory control and data acquisition system it uses to control critical elements on the grid.

But the utility still has many substations that haven’t been integrated into its SCADA system, and the system has no means to see beyond the substations to monitor the load of its customers (or the production of most independent PV systems). Also, many of MECO’s generators are aging and inefficient – the oldest, a steam generator in the Kahului plant, was first put online in 1947 – meaning MECO’s high-voltage transmission lines carry 69,000 volts in some areas and 23,000 volts in others. These are all challenges on the journey from existing infrastructure to smart grid.

But the greatest technical challenge is isolation. On the Mainland, most local grids are linked to one another in a super-grid. It’s possible, for example, for a customer on the East Coast to buy electricity from a power provider in Texas or even Canada. That’s important because this interconnectedness makes it easier for utilities to provide some of the ancillary services that are essential to an effective electrical system. As Carl Freedman, one of Hawaii’s most respected experts on utility regulation, likes to point out, an electric company provides customers much more than kilowatt-hours of electricity.

“For example,” Freedman says, “they also have to provide reliability,” a quality that includes things like operational and spinning reserves. Operational reserves ensure the grid has the capacity to supply the maximum load. Freedman explains: “If somebody turns on a 1,000 horsepower motor or turns off a 1,000 horsepower motor, operational reserves mean it isn’t going to shut lights off and destabilize the grid.” Spinning reserves, on the other hand, represent the utility’s ability to handle the loss of a generator (or wind on a wind farm). “On Oahu,” he says, “they have a spinning reserve sufficient for the loss of their largest unit. In other words, they would have enough units up and spinning so that they could lose that unit without dropping load.

“Spinning reserves and operational reserves are both identifiable services,” Freedman says, as are basic utility functions like voltage regulation, transmission and power generation. “On the Mainland, there’s a huge market for all this stuff. If you don’t have something, you can go out and get it.” Freedman points out how this simplifies the way a utility operates. “Each utility, for example, needs to carry sufficient capacity – or contracts for capacity – to meet its loads. But they don’t need to provide the emergency capacity of the largest load like we do here, because they can buy that. In fact, they can buy it for free by having a bilateral agreement with somebody else, saying, ‘You cover me, and I’ll cover you.’ ”

This highlights the challenges facing MECO and HECO as they build their smart grids. Because they’re island grids, they’re completely isolated. Freedman notes: “Each one of these systems has to supply all the ancillary services: all the generators, all the reserve capacity, all the reliability. We have to do it all on each system. So, the job of a smart grid here is a tall order.”

Capital Problems

Not all the challenges facing the smart grid are technical. Rebuilding something as complex as the grid – even a small one like MECO – will be fabulously expensive. “As an example,” says Chris Reynolds, “the meter that’s on a typical home costs about $25. For the smart grid demonstration project in Wailea, we’re looking at a cost of about $400 per meter.” He adds that MECO has about 67,000 meters.

Freedman takes an even broader perspective. “According to DBEDT,” he says, “we’re about to spend $16 billion – that’s billion with a ‘B’ – on capitalization for this energy transition.” He notes that, although the goal is to reduce our $7 billion annual expenditure on fossil fuel, that’s still a fantastic upfront investment. “The question is how are we going to capitalize this. This is a major issue for the state that hasn’t been addressed by anyone, really.”

It’s certainly hard to see how the Hawaiian Electric companies can afford it. “I don’t know what we’re counting in the smart grid,” Freedman says, “but if you include the (undersea, interisland) cable, then you’re talking a billion dollars just to hook up Lanai and Molokai. If you’re talking, like the utilities, about hooking up Maui as well, then you’re talking several billion dollars. Well, the whole capitalization of all the electrical infrastructure right now is something on the order of $3 or $4 billion.” Even if, as now seems likely, the state decides to finance the construction of the cable, Freedman points out, ratepayers will have to repay the debt. It’s still a capital liability on the utilities books.

One of the ironies in this smart grid bagatelle is that many of the policy initiatives intended to promote more renewables further aggravate the capital problems for the utility. For example, the financial arrangements that underpin distributed generation – power-purchase agreements, net-energy metering, feed-in tariffs –all appear on the utility’s books as liabilities. Each, after all, is a commitment to purchase power from customers. The feed-in tariff, at least, also shows up on the income side of the books because the customer still buys the same amount of energy as before. With net metering, the customer’s PV output simply rolls his meter backwards, reducing his bill.

Also, most of the utility’s assets – and collateral – traditionally were in its physical plant: generators, power lines, substations. “Looking forward,” Freedman says, “it looks like they’re not going to be increasing generation anymore. The new generation is going to be in renewables, it’s going to be distributed, and loads are going to met by energy efficiency. And none of those things have the utility’s own capitalization.” Hawaiian Electric Industries is publicly traded; it’s hard to see how these changes in capitalization won’t affect the company’s market valuation. “In the long run,” Freedman says, “the utility’s business model is being challenged a little bit by the whole move to renewables.”

A local smart grid is thus far from inevitable, even with Hawaii’s incomparable resources for renewable energy; even with an ambitious agenda for reform in the Hawaii Clean Energy Initiative; and even with a cadre of utilities and citizens committed to the idea of a clean, distributed power generation.

Up at the Kaheawa wind farm, the students from Horizons Academy gather in the scant shade of a giant turbine to pose for a group photograph. Squinting into the late morning sun, the children smile for the camera. It’s supposed to be a picture of Hawaii’s future – the children and the energy that will power their adult lives – but that future is not yet fully in focus.Kaheawa Wind Farm

• Minimum: As little as 6 mph of wind will turn the long, elegant blades of the Kaheawa turbines.

• Maximum: When the wind reaches 55 mph, the blades feather and each turbine stops spinning.

• RPMs: Regardless of the wind speed, the turbines top out at 21 rpm – slow enough for nene to fly through in formation.

• Best wind: At 23 knots, the optimum wind speed, each turbine produces 1.5 megawatts of electricity.

source: first wind inc.

 

P.A.C.E.: Supercharging the Solar-Energy Industry

Many homeowners and businesses want solar energy to lower their electric bills but can’t afford the upfront cost – as much as $25,000 for a standard residential installation. But a new form of funding called PACE – property-assessed clean energy – offers a nearly painless solution.

How PACE Works

People who want to purchase clean-energy technology, such as solar water heating or photovoltaic systems, for their homes or businesses will be able to borrow from a special revolving fund established by the state. In return, they agree to pay the money back (plus interest and administrative costs) through an added assessment on their property taxes. In most scenarios, PACE funding will have no effect on the availability of federal or state tax credits.

How It’s Funded

To establish the PACE revolving fund, the state would issue general-obligation bonds. These would be guaranteed by the incremental increase in property taxes. In theory, PACE shouldn’t add any costs to the state budget. It’s even possible that federal grants would pay for the administrative costs of setting up the program and establishing a certification process.

Who Would Be Eligible?

One of the charms about PACE funding is that it’s tied to the house, not the homeowner’s credit. As long as you can afford to keep up with the property taxes, you would be eligible to borrow money for any qualified clean-energy system. What’s more, when you sell your home or business, the obligation to pay goes with the property. That makes sense, because an investment like a PV system adds value to your home, but is worthless to you when you sell.

Will It Happen Here?

The Sierra Club and Blue Planet Foundation are advocating strongly for PACE. It also enjoys broad support in the Legislature and with Gov. Linda Lingle. Legislation introducing the program, HB 2643, has already passed unanimously in the state House, but it still faces challenges in the Senate and in conference. Advocates such as Sen. Kalani English warn that, given the state’s fiscal troubles, it may take more than one session to pass.

 

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